Akçam’s arguments are not always convincing, however. For example, upon receiving the news that a convoy of 500 Armenians who had departed from Erzurum was attacked and massacred, Talat Pasha dispatched a telegram, dated June 14, 1915, stating that every measure should be taken «to protect the Armenians against the assault of the tribes and villagers, and to punish those who dare to kill and abduct them.

» After quoting this text from the telegram, Akçam dismisses it as a «sham» and argues that «there is enough evidence» to show that «Talat wrote the telegram in question under the pressure of the German Embassy» (pp. Akçam produces no such curious «evidence,» however.

Instead he refers to a lengthy essay that actually contradicts his thesis. According to this essay, the Erzurum German consul’s telegram, which informed his embassy of the massacre, was sent on June 16, 1915 21 — two days after Talat had already sent his telegram. The Wanting a premium quality producing company https://dissertationswritingservices.com/dissertation-paper will give you the most suitable composing company lack of critical footnotes also weakens Akçam’s arguments. For instance, he claims that two Armenian deputies of the Ottoman Parliament, Krikor Zohrab and Vartkes Serengülyan, were killed on the order of Cemal Pasha, the commander of the 4 th Army, but fails to cite a source (p.

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More important, several other sources cited by Akçam such as Falih Rıfkı Atay’s account, attest to the contrary: that Cemal Pasha had actually tried to protect the two Armenian deputies. 22 Akçam also discusses the relocation of Catholic and Protestant Armenians. According to the author, the govement deported them using a two-track communication system whereby the official orders, ostensibly sparing Catholics and Protestants from deportation, were followed by subsequent coded telegraphic instructions ordering their deportations and sending special inspectors to the regions to enforce them. On the basis of a report by the German Adana consul, Akçam argues that Talat Pasha sent Ali Münif Bey as a special inspector to Adana in order to enforce the relocation of Catholics and Protestants.

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Indeed, Akçam asserts, «in his memoirs Ali Münif confesses that he himself prepared the list of the Armenians to be deported from Adana» (pp. However, Ali Münif makes no such confession.

There is also no indication in his memoirs that he had been sent to the region as an inspector to enforce any mission. Ali Münif says that on his way to take up a new post in Lebanon, he stayed for a few days at his hometown, Adana, where he also came into contact with the three local CUP members (İsmail Safa, Muhtar Fikri and Kibarzade), who «bitterly» complained about the Armenian activities and «even prepared and gave» him a list of alleged ringleaders who should be deported. Upon «seeing the critical situation» in the region that might have «resulted in bloodshed at any moment,» Ali Münif goes on to say, «I have sent a telegram to the interior minister, Talat, requesting the immediate inclusion of Adana into the relocation zone and telling him that if this is not done, I will not set foot on mount Lebanon.

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In addition, I have sent a list [to Talat]. » 23 Apparently, Ali Münif identified the list he sent as «prepared» and «given» to him by the three locals. This becomes even more apparent in subsequent sections of the memoirs, especially since the list in question is described as being in the handwriting of Muhtar Fikri, one of the three who prepared and gave him the list. 24 Akçam further believes that the Ottoman documents corroborate his thesis on the Catholic and Protestant Armenians and that the telegrams sent from various regions in September 1915 state that all Armenians, including Catholics and Protestants, were deported and that none had remained in the conceed provinces (p.